『新东方在线托福阅读』为托福考生准备了ETS托福TPO/Official 56 Passage 2阅读练习：Look at the four squares  that indicate where the following sentence could be added to the passage. This development occurred primarily for two reasons.  Where would the sentence best fit? Click on a square  to add the sentence to the passage.真题题目及答案解析，TPO/Official 56 Passage 2阅读原文范文音频翻译

托福TPO/Official 56 Passage 2阅读原文Look at the four squares  that indicate where the following sentence could be added to the passage. This development occurred primarily for two reasons.  Where would the sentence best fit? Click on a square  to add the sentence to the passage.题目答案及解析-新东方托福官方网校手机版

Representative Government in Colonial North America

1750年以前，北美的殖民者很少有机会把自己看作是一个独立的民族。

Before 1750, colonists in North America had little occasion to think of themselves as a distinct people.

当时没有美国政府，也没有一个政治组织让所有的殖民地联合起来处理他们共同关心的问题。

There was no American government, no single political organization in which all the colonies joined to manage their common concerns.

除了几个古怪的人之外，甚至没有人希望建立这样一个组织。

There was not even a wish for such an organization except among a few eccentric individuals.

对于生活在其中的人们来说，美国依旧是一个地理区域，而不是一种思维框架。

America, to the people who lived in it, was still a geographic region, not a frame of mind.

当被问及国籍时，1750年典型的美国殖民者会说是英国人。

Asked about nationality, the typical American colonist of 1750 would have said English or British.

尽管有大量的荷兰人、德国人和苏格兰-爱尔兰人，但英国人和英国机构在所有殖民地都占了上风，大多数殖民者把英格兰当作自己的家，尽管他们从未去过那里。

In spite of substantial numbers of Dutch, Germans, and Scotch-Irish, English people and English institutions prevailed in every colony, and most colonists spoke of England as home even though they had never been there.

然而，没有一个美国机构与英国的机构完全相同;这些机构所留存的英国思想遗产是如此丰富多样，让殖民者能够选择和发展那些最适合自己情况的思想，而忘记了那些与此同时在母国日益突出的其他思想。

Yet no American institutions were quite like their counterparts in England; the heritage of English ideas that went with these institutions was so rich and varied that colonists were able to select and develop those that best suited their situation and forget others that meanwhile were growing prominent in the mother country.

这种多样性有时会导致地区差异:在某些方面，新英格兰人与弗吉尼亚人的差异甚至大于与英格兰人的差异。

This variety sometimes led to regional differences: in some ways New Englanders were set off from Virginians even more than from people in England.

一些思想、制度和态度在所有殖民地中变得普遍，但在英格兰却不常见。

But some ideas, institutions, and attitudes became common in all the colonies and remained uncommon in England.

尽管殖民时期的英国人还没有意识到他们彼此之间有这么多在英格兰的英国人没有的美国共同点，但许多美国民族主义的特色思想和态度在18世纪中期脱颖而出。

Although colonial Englishmen were not yet aware that they shared these Americanisms with one another or that English people in England did not share them, many of the characteristic ideas and attitudes that later distinguished United States nationalism were already present by the mid-eighteenth century.

英国人把他们的政治理念带到了新世界，这些理念至今仍使英国和美国的政府极其相似。

English people brought with them to the New World the political ideas that still give English and American government a close resemblance.

但美国殖民者很早就形成了与英国人不同的代议制政府的概念。

But American colonists very early developed conceptions of representative government that differed from those in England.

英国的代议制政府起源于中世纪，当时国王召集人们为他出谋划策。

Representative government in England originated in the Middle Ages, when the king called for men to advise him.

他们是由他们的邻居选出的，并把臣民的愿望告知国王。

They were chosen by their neighbors and informed the king of his subjects' wishes.

最终，他们的建议变得非常有说服力，国王无法拒绝，人民代表组成立法机构称为下议院，它逐渐成为英国政府最有权力的部门。

Eventually, their advice became so compelling that the king could not reject it, and the representatives of the people, organized as a legislature known as the House of Commons, became the most powerful branch of the English government.

起初，下议院由每个县或郡以及一些自治州的代表组成。

At first, the House of Commons consisted of representatives from each county, or shire, and from selected boroughs.

几个世纪以来，许多这样的自治州变成了只有少数居民的空城，以前根本不存在的地方冒出了许多大城镇。

Over the centuries many of these boroughs became ghost towns with only a handful of inhabitants, and great towns sprang up where none had existed before.

然而，旧行政区继续向下议院输送议员，而新城镇则没有。

Yet the old boroughs continued to send members to the House of Commons, and the new towns sent none.

此外，甚至只有一小部分英国人能够参加县级选举。

Moreover, only a fraction of the English population could participate even in county elections.

为了投票，一个人必须拥有财产，如果租的话，每年至少能给他带来40先令。

In order to vote, a man had to own property that would, if rented, yield him at least 40 shillings yearly.

很多英国人觉得这种情况很荒谬。

A number of English people thought the situation absurd and said so.

但是没有任何措施来改善它;事实上，有人提出了一种理论来证明它的合理性。

But nothing was done to improve it; in fact, a theory was devised to justify it.

据说，下议院的每一名议员代表的不是选他的人，而是整个国家，并且他对任何一个选区都不负责。

A member of the House of Commons, it was said, represented not the people who chose him but the whole country, and he was not responsible for any particular constituency.

并不是所有的英国人都能投票选举代表，但几乎所有下议院的议员都代表着全体民众。

Not all Englishmen could vote for representatives, but all were virtually represented by every member of the Commons.

美国殖民地代表的集会更加民主。

The assemblies of American colonial representatives were more democratic.

虽然每个殖民地都有选举权的财产资格，但可能大部分成年白人男性都拥有足够的土地来满足他们的投票的要求。

Although every colony had property qualifications for voting, probably the great majority of adult white males owned enough land to meet them.

而且，分配代表权的制度也比较平衡。

Moreover, the system for apportioning representation was more balanced.

新英格兰殖民地给予每个城镇派遣代表参加议会的权利。

New England colonies gave every town the right to send delegates to the legislature.

在新英格兰之外，代表单位常常是郡。

Outside New England, the unit of representation was usually the county.

新郡的政治组织和代表权的扩展无法与定居点西移的快速发展保持同步，但没有哪个代表权有如英格兰一样的不均衡和不合理。

The political organization of new counties and the extension of representation seldom kept pace with the rapid advance of settlement westward, but nowhere was representation so uneven or irrational as in England.

美国殖民者对“虚拟代表”一无所知。

American colonists knew nothing of virtual representation.

殖民地代表应该是选择他的人民的代理人。

A colonial representative was supposed to be an agent of the people who chose him.

他首先应该照顾他们的利益，其次才是殖民地的利益。

He was supposed to look after their interests first and those of the colony second.

在新英格兰，城镇会议随时可以召开，人们经常聚集在一起，告诉他们的代表如何就某一特定问题进行投票。

In New England, where town meetings could be called at any time, people often gathered to tell their delegate how to vote on a particular issue.

According to paragraphs 1 and 2, all of the following were true of most English people living in the American colonies in 1750 EXCEPT:

The word “prevailed” in the passage is closest in meaning to

According to paragraph 2, what is one reason that regional differences arose in the English colonies of North America?

According to paragraph 3, how did representative government get started in England?

The word "absurd" in the passage is closest in meaning to

According to paragraph 4, what was the response to criticisms of representative government in England?

Why does the author mention that "The political organization of new counties and the extension of representation seldom kept pace with the rapid advance of settlement westward, but nowhere was representation so uneven or irrational as in England."?

Look at the four squares  that indicate where the following sentence could be added to the passage. This development occurred primarily for two reasons.  Where would the sentence best fit? Click on a square  to add the sentence to the passage.

Directions: Match the statements about representative government to the correct location. Two of the statements describe representative government in England ONLY, two describe representative government in the English colonies ONLY, and one describes BOTH England and the English colonies in America. One of the statements will NOT be used. This question is worth 3 points.

Representative Government in Colonial North America Before 1750, colonists in North America had little occasion to think of themselves as a distinct people. There was no American government, no single political organization in which all the colonies joined to manage their common concerns. There was not even a wish for such an organization except among a few eccentric individuals. America, to the people who lived in it, was still a geographic region, not a frame of mind. Asked about nationality, the typical American colonist of 1750 would have said English or British. In spite of substantial numbers of Dutch, Germans, and Scotch-Irish, English people and English institutions prevailed in every colony, and most colonists spoke of England as home even though they had never been there. Yet no American institutions were quite like their counterparts in England; the heritage of English ideas that went with these institutions was so rich and varied that colonists were able to select and develop those that best suited their situation and forget others that meanwhile were growing prominent in the mother country. This variety sometimes led to regional differences: in some ways New Englanders were set off from Virginians even more than from people in England. But some ideas, institutions, and attitudes became common in all the colonies and remained uncommon in England. Although colonial Englishmen were not yet aware that they shared these Americanisms with one another or that English people in England did not share them, many of the characteristic ideas and attitudes that later distinguished United States nationalism were already present by the mid-eighteenth century. English people brought with them to the New World the political ideas that still give English and American government a close resemblance. But American colonists very early developed conceptions of representative government that differed from those in England. Representative government in England originated in the Middle Ages, when the king called for men to advise him. They were chosen by their neighbors and informed the king of his subjects’ wishes. Eventually, their advice became so compelling that the king could not reject it, and the representatives of the people, organized as a legislature known as the House of Commons, became the most powerful branch of the English government. At first, the House of Commons consisted of representatives from each county, or shire, and from selected boroughs. Over the centuries many of these boroughs became ghost towns with only a handful of inhabitants, and great towns sprang up where none had existed before. Yet the old boroughs continued to send members to the House of Commons, and the new towns sent none. Moreover, only a fraction of the English population could participate even in county elections. In order to vote, a man had to own property that would, if rented, yield him at least 40 shillings yearly. Few could meet the test. A number of English people thought the situation absurd and said so. But nothing was done to improve it; in fact, a theory was devised to justify it. A member of the House of Commons, it was said, represented not the people who chose him but the whole country, and he was not responsible for any particular constituency. Not all Englishmen could vote for representatives, but all were virtually represented by every member of the Commons. The assemblies of American colonial representatives were more democratic. Although every colony had property qualifications for voting, probably the great majority of adult white males owned enough land to meet them. Moreover, the system for apportioning representation was more balanced. New England colonies gave every town the right to send delegates to the legislature. Outside New England, the unit of representation was usually the county. The political organization of new counties and the extension of representation seldom kept pace with the rapid advance of settlement westward, but nowhere was representation so uneven or irrational as in England. American colonists knew nothing of virtual representation. A colonial representative was supposed to be an agent of the people who chose him. He was supposed to look after their interests first and those of the colony second. In New England, where town meetings could be called at any time, people often gathered to tell their delegate how to vote on a particular issue.