『新东方在线托福阅读』为托福考生准备了ETS托福TPO/Official 8 Passage 1阅读练习：According to paragraph 4, what has recent research on obsidian tools found at Olmec sites shown?真题题目及答案解析，TPO/Official 8 Passage 1阅读原文范文音频翻译

托福TPO/Official 8 Passage 1阅读原文According to paragraph 4, what has recent research on obsidian tools found at Olmec sites shown?题目答案及解析-新东方托福官方网校手机版

特奥蒂瓦坎古城发展于公元前200-公元前100年，位于现在墨西哥城东北方50公里处。

The city of Teotihuacán, which lay about 50 kilometers northeast of modern-day Mexico City, began its growth by 200 –100 B.C.

在公元150-700年，特奥蒂瓦坎古城发展到高峰，人口超过12.5万，面积至少20平方公里。

At its height, between about A.D. 150 and 700, it probably had a population of more than 125,000 people and covered at least 20 square kilometers.

那里有2,000多座大楼，一个大型市场，很多工业作坊，一个行政管理中心，一些大型宗教场所，并且街道与建筑物都是规则的网格状分布。

It had over 2,000 apartment complexes, a great market, a large number of industrial workshops, an administrative center, a number of massive religious edifices, and a regular grid pattern of streets and buildings.

很明显这个大城市的扩张是经过精密计划与集中管理的。

Clearly, much planning and central control were involved in the expansion and ordering of this great metropolis.

此外，这个城市与古中美洲（现代中美洲与墨西哥）的大部分地方有经济与宗教关联。

Moreover, the city had economic and perhaps religious contacts with most parts of Mesoamerica (modern Central America and Mexico).

这个巨大的发展是如何完成的？为什么会发生在特奥蒂瓦坎峡谷？

How did this tremendous development take place, and why did it happen in the Teotihuacán Valley?

特奥蒂瓦坎古城发展的主要因素有以下几点：它在通往墨西哥峡谷南边与东边的自然贸易路线上，特奥蒂瓦坎峡谷有丰富的黑曜石资源以及峡谷有大面积灌溉的潜力。

Among the main factors are Teotihuacán’s geographic location on a natural trade route to the south and east of the Valley of Mexico, the obsidian[1] resources in the Teotihuacán Valley itself, and the valley’s potential for extensive irrigation.

其他因素扮演的确切作用就更难确定了，比如，特奥蒂瓦坎古城神庙的宗教重要性，公元前1000年快结束时期墨西哥峡谷及附近地区的历史背景情况，特奥蒂瓦坎古城精英阶层的聪明才智与远见以及自然灾难如公元前1000年末火山爆发的影响。

The exact role of other factors is much more difficult to pinpoint—for instance, Teotihuacán’s religious significance as a shrine, the historical situation in and around the Valley of Mexico toward the end of the first millennium B.C., the ingenuity and foresightedness of Teotihuacán’s elite, and, finally, the impact of natural disasters, such as the volcanic eruptions of the late first millennium B.C.

这里的最后一个因素起码间接影响了特奥蒂瓦坎古城的崛起。

This last factor is at least circumstantially implicated in Teotihuacán’s rise.

在公元前200年前，一些相对较小的中心在墨西哥峡谷以及其附近共存。

Prior to 200 B.C., a number of relatively small centers coexisted in and near the Valley of Mexico.

在这段时期里，其中最大的一个中心，库库尔科受到火山爆发的严重影响，这里大部分农田都被火山岩浆覆盖。

Around this time, the largest of these centers, Cuicuilco, was seriously affected by a volcanic eruption, with much of its agricultural land covered by lava.

没有库库尔科这个潜在对手，墨西哥中部任何一个中等城镇都有可能成为经济政治中心。

With Cuicuilco eliminated as a potential rival, any one of a number of relatively modest towns might have emerged as a leading economic and political power in Central Mexico.

尽管如此，考古证据清楚的表明，特奥蒂瓦坎古城确实是公元1世纪崛起的中心城镇。

The archaeological evidence clearly indicates, though, that Teotihuacán was the center that did arise as the predominant force in the area by the first century A.D.

很可能与周边城镇相比，特奥蒂瓦坎古城的竞争优势在于其自然资源优势以及它的管理精英能够意识到这座城市的潜能。

It seems likely that Teotihuacán’s natural resources—along with the city elite’s ability to recognize their potential—gave the city a competitive edge over its neighbors.

这个峡谷跟墨西哥与危地马拉高地的其他地方类似，富含黑曜石。

The valley, like many other places in Mexican and Guatemalan highlands, was rich in obsidian.

很多年来，人们对坚硬的火山岩需求很大，特别是在奥尔梅克人（公元前1200年至公元前400年间活跃的族群）崛起之后，因此特奥蒂瓦坎古城客户市场稳定。

The hard volcanic stone was a resource that had been in great demand for many years, at least since the rise of the Olmecs (a people who flourished between 1200 and 400 B.C.), and it apparently had a secure market.

此外，最近对发现于奥尔梅克人遗址的黑曜石工具的研究表明，其中一些黑曜石来自于特奥蒂瓦坎峡谷附近。

Moreover, recent research on obsidian tools found at Olmec sites has shown that some of the obsidian obtained by the Olmecs originated near Teotihuacán.

在这座伟大的城市崛起之前的数世纪里，特奥蒂瓦坎黑曜石就已经被认为是一种宝贵的商品了。

Teotihuacán obsidian must have been recognized as a valuable commodity for many centuries before the great city arose.

很可能黑曜石的远距离贸易使得特奥蒂瓦坎古城的精英居民能够接触到多样的异域物品，以及过上了相对富足的生活。

Long-distance trade in obsidian probably gave the elite residents of Teotihuacán access to a wide variety of exotic goods, as well as a relatively prosperous life.

那样的成功可能吸引了外来人迁入特奥蒂瓦坎古城。

Such success may have attracted immigrants to Teotihuacán.

此外，特奥蒂瓦坎古城的精英可能有意吸引新的居民。

In addition, Teotihuacán’s elite may have consciously attempted to attract new inhabitants.

很可能早在公元前200年，特奥蒂瓦坎古城成为了有宗教意义的城市，它的神庙增加了其吸收额外人口的吸引力。

It is also probable that as early as 200 B.C. Teotihuacán may have achieved some religious significance and its shrine (or shrines) may have served as an additional population magnet.

最后，可能是不断增加与扩大的灌溉土地数量与规模养活了不断增长的人口。

Finally, the growing population was probably fed by increasing the number and size of irrigated fields.

特奥蒂瓦坎古城的崛起是典型的良性循环，也就是黑曜石开采与工作、贸易、人口增长、灌溉及宗教旅游间形成了良性循环。

The picture of Teotihuacán that emerges is a classic picture of positive feedback among obsidian mining and working, trade, population growth, irrigation, and religious tourism.

比如，黑曜石交易的发展，需要更多的开矿者，额外的黑曜石开采工具制作商以及运送货物至新市场的商人。

The thriving obsidian operation, for example, would necessitate more miners, additional manufacturers of obsidian tools, and additional traders to carry the goods to new markets.

这些导致了财富的增加，反过来又帮助吸引更多外来人口来到特奥蒂瓦坎古城。

All this led to increased wealth, which in turn would attract more immigrants to Teotihuacán.

控制经济命脉的精英阶层的权力日渐增大，他们有更多的手段迫使人们搬迁至特奥蒂瓦坎充当额外劳动力。

The growing power of the elite, who controlled the economy, would give them the means to physically coerce people to move to Teotihuacán and serve as additions to the labor force.

为了养活不断增加的人口，必须修建更多灌溉工程，因此，精英阶层的财富与权力又增加了。

More irrigation works would have to be built to feed the growing population, and this resulted in more power and wealth for the elite.

The word “massive” in the passage is closest in meaning to

In paragraph 1, each of the following is mentioned as a feature of the city of Teotihuacán between A.D. 150 and 700 EXCEPT

The word “pinpoint” in the passage is closest in meaning to

The word “ingenuity” in the passage is closest in meaning to

Which of the following is NOT mentioned in paragraph 2 as a main factor in the development of Teotihuacán?

Which of the following can be inferred from paragraphs 2 and 3 about the volcanic eruptions of the late first millennium B.C.?

What can be inferred from paragraph 3 about Cuicuilco prior to 200 B.C.?

The word “predominant” in the passage is closest in meaning to

Which of the following allowed Teotihuacán to have “a competitive edge over its neighbors”?

According to paragraph 4, what has recent research on obsidian tools found at Olmec sites shown?

Select the TWO answer choices that are mentioned in paragraph 5 as being features of Teotihuacán that may have attracted immigrants to the city. To receive credit, you must select TWO answers.

In paragraph 6, the author discusses the “The thriving obsidian operation” in order to

Look at the four squares  that indicate where the following sentence could be added to the passage. In fact, artifacts and pottery from Teotihuacán have been discovered in sites as far away as the Mayan lowlands, the Guatemalan highlands, northern Mexico, and the Gulf Coast of Mexico.  Where would the sentence best fit? Click on a square  to add the sentence to the passage.

Directions: An introductory sentence for a brief summary of the passage is provided below. Complete the summary by selecting the THREE answer choices that express the most important ideas in the passage. Some sentences do not belong in the summary because they express ideas that are not presented in the passage or are minor ideas in the passage. This question is worth 2 points.

The Rise of Teotihuacán The city of Teotihuacán, which lay about 50 kilometers northeast of modern-day Mexico City, began its growth by 200 –100 B.C. At its height, between about A.D. 150 and 700, it probably had a population of more than 125,000 people and covered at least 20 square kilometers.  It had over 2,000 apartment complexes, a great market, a large number of industrial workshops, an administrative center, a number of massive religious edifices, and a regular grid pattern of streets and buildings.  Clearly, much planning and central control were involved in the expansion and ordering of this great metropolis.  Moreover, the city had economic and perhaps religious contacts with most parts of Mesoamerica (modern Central America and Mexico).  How did this tremendous development take place, and why did it happen in the Teotihuacán Valley? Among the main factors are Teotihuacán’s geographic location on a natural trade route to the south and east of the Valley of Mexico, the obsidian resources in the Teotihuacán Valley itself, and the valley’s potential for extensive irrigation. The exact role of other factors is much more difficult to pinpoint—for instance, Teotihuacán’s religious significance as a shrine, the historical situation in and around the Valley of Mexico toward the end of the first millennium B.C., the ingenuity and foresightedness of Teotihuacán’s elite, and, finally, the impact of natural disasters, such as the volcanic eruptions of the late first millennium B.C. This last factor is at least circumstantially implicated in Teotihuacán’s rise. Prior to 200 B.C., a number of relatively small centers coexisted in and near the Valley of Mexico. Around this time, the largest of these centers, Cuicuilco, was seriously affected by a volcanic eruption, with much of its agricultural land covered by lava. With Cuicuilco eliminated as a potential rival, any one of a number of relatively modest towns might have emerged as a leading economic and political power in Central Mexico. The archaeological evidence clearly indicates, though, that Teotihuacán was the center that did arise as the predominant force in the area by the first century A.D. It seems likely that Teotihuacán’s natural resources—along with the city elite’s ability to recognize their potential—gave the city a competitive edge over its neighbors. The valley, like many other places in Mexican and Guatemalan highlands, was rich in obsidian. The hard volcanic stone was a resource that had been in great demand for many years, at least since the rise of the Olmecs (a people who flourished between 1200 and 400 B.C.), and it apparently had a secure market. Moreover, recent research on obsidian tools found at Olmec sites has shown that some of the obsidian obtained by the Olmecs originated near Teotihuacán. Teotihuacán obsidian must have been recognized as a valuable commodity for many centuries before the great city arose. Long-distance trade in obsidian probably gave the elite residents of Teotihuacán access to a wide variety of exotic goods, as well as a relatively prosperous life. Such success may have attracted immigrants to Teotihuacán. In addition, Teotihuacán’s elite may have consciously attempted to attract new inhabitants. It is also probable that as early as 200 B.C. Teotihuacán may have achieved some religious significance and its shrine (or shrines) may have served as an additional population magnet. Finally, the growing population was probably fed by increasing the number and size of irrigated fields. The picture of Teotihuacán that emerges is a classic picture of positive feedback among obsidian mining and working, trade, population growth, irrigation, and religious tourism. The thriving obsidian operation, for example, would necessitate more miners, additional manufacturers of obsidian tools, and additional traders to carry the goods to new markets. All this led to increased wealth, which in turn would attract more immigrants to Teotihuacán. The growing power of the elite, who controlled the economy, would give them the means to physically coerce people to move to Teotihuacán and serve as additions to the labor force. More irrigation works would have to be built to feed the growing population, and this resulted in more power and wealth for the elite.